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Ergebnisse 19 Einträge
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Abstract: „In deze bijdrage worden juridische kanttekeningen geplaatst bij het recent verschenen, kritische rapport van de Onderzoeksraad voor Veiligheid over de aanpak van de coronacrisis. Door zijn beleidsmatige en puur nationaal gerichte insteek blijven belangrijke vragen en oplossingsrichtingen onbesproken. Wel wordt terecht gesteld dat corona te lang als een infectieziekteprobleem en eerder als een maatschappelijke crisis had moeten worden bestempeld.“
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Abstract: „Dit artikel onderzoekt het Nederlandse politieke en media discours als reactie op de eerste golf van de wereldwijde covid-19-pandemie. Hierbij staat de vraag centraal in hoeverre de ontwikkeling en toon van dit discours de logica volgt van wat in de literatuur ook wel aangeduid wordt als ‘regeren door middel van migratiecontrole’. Volgens deze logica wordt migratie naar voren gebracht als een oorzaak van verschillende problematische, complexe, maatschappelijke ontwikkelingen, zelfs als er geen bewijs is om een dergelijk causaal verband te suggereren. Vanwege de veronderstelde relatie tussen migratie en het maatschappelijk probleem – in dit geval de covid-19 pandemie – wordt er een hardere toon in het discours rond migratie aangenomen, en kan dit zich zelf vertalen naar het nemen concrete maatregelen om de mobiliteit van mensen (verder) te beteugelen. Het artikel stelt vast dat, in deze eerste golf van de pandemie, deze specifieke dynamiek niet duidelijk aanwezig is in het Nederlandse politieke discours, noch in het mediadiscours.“
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Angaben zum Inhalt: „This study looks at population response to government containment strategies during initial stages of the COVID-19 pandemic in four high-trust Northern European countries–Denmark, Germany, the Netherlands, and Sweden–with special emphasis on expressions of governmental trust. Sentiment analysis and topic modeling analysis were performed using Twitter data from three phases during the initial European lockdown, and results were compared over time and between countries. Findings show that, in line with existing theory, assertive crisis responses and proactive communication were generally well-received, whereas tentative crisis responses or indications by the authorities that the crisis was manageable were generally met with suspicion. In addition, while government support was high in all countries during the height of the crisis, messages critical of the government as well as conspiracy theories were nevertheless widely circulated. Importantly, countries with the least assertive strategies, rather than clear negative responses, saw heightened polarization of sentiment in the population. Furthermore, in the case of Sweden, a laissez-faire strategy was generally accepted by the population, despite strong criticism from other countries, until mortality rates started to rise. Possible explanations for these findings are discussed with an emphasis of prior trust as a potential explanatory factor. Future research should seek to replicate these findings in other countries with different levels of prior governmental trust or with a different severity of the COVID-19 outbreak than the countries in this study as well as triangulate the findings of this study using alternative methods.“
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Angaben zum Inhalt: „Tijdens het Kamerdebat over corona haalde SGP-leider Van der Staaij terecht Abraham Kuyper aan. Die sprak wijze woorden over de Spaanse griep, die nog steeds actueel zijn en tonen dat niet alles maakbaar is. Maar dat mag niet tot passiviteit leiden, integendeel. En ook daarmee kan Kuyper ons verder helpen.“
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Abstract: „Op zoek naar het antwoord op de vraag: wat kunnen we leren van het behandelen van klachten tijdens een pandemie, onderzocht de Rotterdamse ombudsman 127 klachten die hij ontving in de eerste zes maanden van de coronacrisis. Het onderzoek en de leerpunten worden beschreven in het rapport Klachtbehandeling in tijden van een pandemie.1 In dit artikel leest u de belangrijkste bevindingen.“
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Abstract: „The Resilience of Democracy in the midst of the COVID-19 Pandemic: Since January 2020, European countries have implemented a wide range of restrictions to contain the COVID-19 pandemic. Yet governments have also implemented democratic compensators in order to offset the negative impacts of restrictions. This article aims to account for the variation of their use between Belgium, the Netherlands and France. We analyse three drivers: the strength of counterpowers, the ruling parties' ideological leanings and political support. Building on an original data set, our results distinguish between embedded and ad hoc compensators. We find that ad hoc compensators are championed mainly by counterpowers, but also by ideology of the ruling coalitions in Belgium and the Netherlands and used strategically to maintain political support in France. Evidence on the link between embedded compensators and counterpowers is more ambiguous.“
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Angaben zum Inhalt: „The policing of measures to control the spread of the SARS-CoV-2 virus is a core aspect of the current corona crisis. This article concentrates on differences in policing the corona crisis in France and the Netherlands. There are huge differences in policing the corona crisis between the two jurisdictions: France with a very strict, repressive approach, and the Netherlands with a more pragmatic, communicative and responsibilizing style. These differences can be understood by looking at the underlying frames about the relationship between state and citizens. The differences in frames about the relationship between police and citizens are more or less similar between the two countries. In France, the dominant frame is of policing as a matter of ‘force’ and ‘war’; the Dutch policing style is framed in terms of responsibilization, communication and persuasion. Despite these important differences, there are also similarities. In both countries there have been fundamental criticisms of the legal basis of the corona measures and of the way that these have been policed. The issues of protest and criticism are often related to the specific dominating frames, in a paradoxical way. The Dutch approach, with its emphasis on proximity, communication and shared responsibilities, may be more effective in realizing compliance with the anti-corona rules than the French one, with its distrust of citizens, use of sanctions and war-like rhetoric. The question is raised of whether the Dutch approach will also be successful if awareness of the dangers of the virus and of the importance of self-control declines.“
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Abstract: „Most countries in the world chose a more or less stringent form of lockdown policy in order to protect citizens from contagion. This essay offers a critical perspective by asking for the Netherlands whether flattening the curve does not cost more healthy life years (qaly’s) than it saves. A cost-benefit analysis is performed discussing four issues. First: how many qaly’s are actually saved by the lockdown measures? Second: what are the opportunity costs of the lockdown? This means investigating how many qaly’s could have been generated if the economic cost of the lockdown had been spent directly into health care. Third: investigating how many qaly’s are lost because of postponing regular care. And fourth: discussing how many qaly’s are at stake because of excess unemployment. While acknowledging uncertainties the conclusion seems unavoidable: lockdown has and will cost more qaly’s than it generates.“
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Angaben zum Inhalt: „De impact van de coronapandemie op het binnenlands bestuur is enorm. De onderzoekers achter Coronapapers.nl beschrijven, analyseren en duiden, met de focus op decentrale overheden: Hoe overleeft lokale democratie in quarantaine? Differentieert beleid naar lokale omstandigheden? Verandert de verhouding tussen staat en samenleving? Verschuift het maatschappelijk vertrouwen? En hoe ziet de wereld eruit na Corona?“
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